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鐵與血

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鐵與血
作者:倫敦自由旬報
1915年
譯者:莫紀彭
本作品收錄於《新青年
署名:汝非。

誰人負責任乎?自血洪水突然猝然泛濫歐羅巴之全部,吾人從各方面聽之,皆此相同之問題也。

各國對於此問題,明明各有特別之答題在。各地之治人者,皆委於仇雕-報紙既以製造「公論」為天職,不能不考查而詳論之。彼凱撒(德皇)宣言日:在歐羅巴獨有一人焉,永遠播布以保全和平於各國之中,其人即彼也。驅彼而啟釁者,為德意志諸仇人耳。由英吉利與法蘭西別一方面觀之,則曰凱撒為歐羅巴之「顛狗」,終古障礙與蹂躅歐羅巴人民之和平睦誼者,惟彼一個人而已。至於沙(俄皇)俄羅斯自由之血腕償子手,變俄羅斯國土為一大墓地,且竟欲消滅彼專制人民最後願望於血海之中,則曰此為神聖之戰也,正誼之戰爭也,所以保險歐羅巴幸福與安寧者也。

各地禮拜堂之鳴鍾,正以召集敬神之耶穌教徒來,且相與聯合彼輩人之祈禱,如此則神將毀其仇,而佑彼輩之軍旗,惟是同一上帝、同一教徒、同一福音經,且彼之建教者曾曰「愛其鄰如愛一己」焉。真愧劇哉,而人民之無識與受欺何其深也。此種無量無邊之騙局,與夫彼專制者明目張膽之陰謀,如此等人民,皆將不見之,或竟不能見之矣。

汝問曰誰人負責乎?勿以負責任者根究他人,請根究一己,請向吾人咸為之犧牲者之可厭制度中而搜尋之,向國家資本的文明而搜尋之。夫如此所謂文明,乃從強權之力而組合者,乃從各國中寡廉鮮恥之擴張領土手段而成立也。

夫吾人曾寄生於戰爭之狀態中,多年於茲,久矣,汝似尚未知之者。無形之戰爭,日日行於吾人優美社會上,汝乃不察,故汝等今日有真正之戰爭矣。當男女老幼大多數失業於工場之時,汝乃安默,故汝等今日兒子正喪命於沙場矣。同以一樣威力,昔日奪汝等勞力之生產,驅汝等於飢餓且死,為少數之享有特權民賊與懶人增財而益富,今日即取汝等子弟生命以去,且壓逼汝等執彼等人之槍竿,為彼等之關系而死。

一言以蔽之,汝平日不要革命,汝故今日有各國互相大殘殺之戰爭。革命黨人出現於汝等之前,汝等以為幻想者、夢中人、不可見諸實事之人也。汝之治人者,誠為比較上實行家矣。彼如雷之炮彈,鱗傷之屍體,及彼血河,告汝輩以彼等實行之結果。

誰人是受咎乎?資本主義與今日之國家。今之國家,資本主義之從兄弟也。汝自身且當受咎,因汝於社會上文化之大義置若罔聞,因汝對於為時未晚之秋,乃不阻止此次滔天大禍。

將來如何而准備於吾人耶,無一人能知者也。雖然有必然之一事,資本主義即戰爭,社會主義即各國間之和平而已。使凡生產社會將許一種少數特權民賊,專利彼等勞力之生產,且任其征罰盈千累萬生民,人於無窮無盡之悲境中,許之任之之時期為如何長久,即汝等對於各國民、各種族之間有如何長久之戰爭矣。巨大之財富,今日而操諸少數之手者,豈僅傭主、工頭取自工人尋常工商業中,乃各國乘間投機於世界市場,以獵取土地之結果也。以是之故,資本主義在各國,不得不增加今日國家之威力,不得不展發軍國主義,以抵於狂妄之平均率。蓋以為健全之武裝,與集權國家,無論在何地,皆可為資本主義今之併吞的趨勢之唯一保護人也。夫並吞主義無別物,不過據一己國家人民之工商業為其基礎,以遂其展拓經濟政策於他國耳。質而言之,軍國主義為資本制度不可逃之結果,又為永永相爭之原因也。

夫多數人民尚未能見此中之關連,相因而致,乃極不幸之事焉。且有許多人民,權度一國之文化,特賴夫軍隊勢力與夫國中工藝表面的進步,此為平日所為之極大謬誤之一者矣。德意志即示吾人以極良之比譬,彼國之國家的統一,自處屬普魯士無上的治權之下,依極端軍國主義及萬能之集權政策以為基礎,曾何產出吾人所謂德意志之文化哉。且自其反面言之,此種統一,可證出其為真正平民文化之啟發之大障礙,又常常壓制德意志人民精神上能力,使屈服於兵廠軍營級階之下矣。

德意志文化之最優美種範,早已產出,蓋先手軍隊的統系,與夫著名的統一見諸實力者。德意志高古之哲學,及德意志奇異之美術與文學,蓋皆發育於彼國當分裂為諸小王國之時,其時尚未隸屬於普魯士為文化所厭惡之軍國主義勢力與統御之下者也。如彼所謂國家統一,德意志變為一軍人之國,所贏得者,無疑為德意志之資本主義,惟獨於德意志人民之文化毫無與焉。自隸屬軍國主義之治下,德意志實與歐羅巴之智育發達以危險也,此次戰爭中勝者為德意志,在歐羅巴中種種自由行動,將受莫大之打擊,即德意志人民自身亦然也。

一千八百七十年入寇法蘭西之役,與亞爾薩羅倫之合並,是歐羅巴軍國主義狂熱發達之真因也。人皆知卑士麥克與普魯士貴族,意欲如波蘭之故事,而處置法蘭西。其卒也卑士麥克與英利吉續訂秘密協約,而法蘭西遂逼不得已投身於沙之血手中,藉以保存己國之存在得如獨立國焉。於此役之結果,妄氣的恐怖思想,布滿全歐。自由社會主義與革命進行之衰滯,而可懼反動力之凱旋,任於此反動力之下。歐羅巴人民正長太息飲痛於今日者,皆吾人所熟睹者矣。

今日之戰爭,極殘暴罪惡之人類已出現,是僅為反動力最後之一字,亦即並吞之資本主義與軍國主義最後之一字焉爾。此豈獨在德意志為然,無論何地苟此等制度留存,而相同之結果將相沿不絕。而最良之憲法,與光榮自由之習俗,亦不能阻抑此種凶惡之終局焉。

「汝不能以議院之政策,而斗勝軍國主義。」是言也,平民政治家約翰葉樂皮已宣言於四十年前矣。夫惟有歐羅巴人一番新革命復興,乃反對此等人類死仇之唯一政策而已。

然而於此似有可望之事,今日之血禍,將能從彼人民深悉中而喚醒之。此切膚之痛苦,落膽之遭罹,或將造成一較深之感印,比革命者之言論而更強也。社會革命卒將進行於今日悲劇之中,殘殺之軍國主義,將被為此主義供無數犧牲者之血洗滌而消滅之。各國人民將聯合反對今之資本主義,與其法制之血制度,而終也,於自由社會主義之基礎上,產生一種新社會文化焉,是殆可望之事者。

時哉不可失!雖有如何浩大之艱難起於吾人之前,而進步人物,切勿失其勇氣可也。而吾人必為之先導,若到必要之時候,拼吾人之生命以赴之,為一新社秩序之凱旋。

Blood And Iron.

[編輯]

Who is responsible? Now, when the red deluge has so suddenly andunexpectedly surprised the whole of Europe, we hear on every hand thesame question: Who is respousuble?

Evedently, each country has its own particular answer to thequery. The rulers of every land throw the blame on their rivals, andthe Press, whose special concern it is to manufacture "public opinion," makes the necessary observations and comments. The Kaiser declaresthat it was enemies of Germany who compelled him to wage war, andthat he was the sole perdon in Europe who continually strove tomaintain peace among the European nations. In England and France, onthe other hand, the Kaiser is the "mad dog" of Europe, the only onewho continually hindered and disturbed the peaceful relations of itsown peoples. And the Tsar, the red- handed executioner of Russianfreedom, who converted Russia into a huge cemetery, and endeavouredto stifle the lost hope of his oppressed subjects in a sea of blood - he talks of a holy war, a Just war, in order to ensure the happinessand well-being of Europe!

And in all lands the sounding church-bells ars Olling the piousChristians to come and unite their prayrs that the Lord shoulddestroy the enemy, and bless "their banners" The same God! thesame Christians! the same Gospel, whose founder said,

"Love thy nighbour as thyself"!

What scandalous comedy! And how deep the ignorance and deceptionof the people who neither will nor can see this colossal fraud, andthe unserupulous intrigues of their oppressors.

Who is responsible? You ask. Do not look for the responsibilityin others. Look for it in yourselves. Seek it in the cursed systemwhose victims we all are; in the State eapitalistic civilisationwhich is based on arganised violence, on the shameful exploitation ofall the nations!

You do not know, it seems, that we have been living in a stateof war for many, many years past; You have ignored the war that isbeing waged daily in our beautiful soeiety, therefore younow have areal war. You were silent when men, women, and children fell in greatnumbers upon the industrial field, therefore you now see your sonsfalling on the battlefield. For the same powers that deprived you ofthe fruits of your labour, and compelled you by hunger and starvationto create riches foraminority of privileged thieves and idlers - thesame powers will now take away the lives of your sons and brothers, and force you with their guns to die for their interests.

In a ward, you did not want the revolution, so you now have war - the whalesale murder of the nations. The revolutionarise onlyappeared to you as Utopians, dreamers, unpractical men. Your rulerswere more practical, and the thunder of cannon, lacerated humanbodies, and rivers of blood now speak to you of the results of theirpractieability.

Who is to blame? Capitalism and its twin- brother, the modernState! Your yourselves are to blame, because you ignored the greatdoctrine of anew social cuilture, because you would not prevent thecotastrophe while there was yet time to do so.

No one knows what the future has in store for us. One thing, however, is certain:Capitalism is war - Socialism means peace amongthe nations. So long as the producing classes will allow a minorityof privileged robbers to monapolise the fruit of their labour, and tocondemn millions of human beings to a state of eternal misery, justso long will you have war among the different recesand notionalities. The immense fortunes that are to-day accumulating within the handsofafew do not arise merely from the usual explaitation of workman bythe master or manufacturer, but are the result of interationalspeculations in the great hunt for the domintion of the world'smarkets. That is why Copitalism in every country was obliged toincrease the power of the modern state, and to develop militarism tosuch mad proportions. For a strong military and centralised State isthe only guarantee for the realisation of madern Imperialistictendencies of Capitalism wery where. But Imperialism means nothingelse but the econcomic exploitation of other nations, upon the basisof the exploitation of its own people. In other words, militarism isthe inevitable result of the capitalistic regime, and therefore thecause of ceaseless strife.

The gient misfortuue is, that the majority of people cannot seethe connestion, and many will gauge the culture of a nation by thestrength of its armies and its external technical improvements. Butthis is one of the greatest mistakes ever made. Germany offers us thebest instance for this. The national unity of that country, under thesupreme rule of Prussia, upon a basis of extreme militarism and anall-powerful bureaucracy, has certainly not produced what we callGerman culture. On the contrary, that unity has proved the greatesthendrance to the development of a true popular culture, and hasalways endeavaured to force the spiritual powers of the German peopledown to the level ef the barracks.

The finest examples of German culture were produced before themilitary system and the renowned unity came into being.

Theclossical philosoply of German, her wonderful art and literature —allthat developed when the country comsisted of separate little kingdoms, and had not yet come under the influence and domination of Prussianculture hating militarism.

The so-called nation alunity and the conversion of Germany into amilitary State have not doubt been a great gain for German capitalism, but by no means for the culture of the German people. Under therule of militarism, Germany has become a peril to the intellectualdevelopment of Europe, and a German victory in this war would be agreat blow to every libertarian movement in Europe, a blow to theGeaman people tnemselves.

The violation of France in 18.70, and the annexation of Alsace- Lorraine, were the real causes of the crazy development ofmilitarism in Europe. It is also known that Bismarck and the PrussianJunker class intended to make of France what has been made of Polane. To this end Bismarck carried on secret negotiations with England, andFrance was obliged to throw herself into the bloody arms of the Tsarin order to maintain her ixistence as an independent State. As aresult of this we have witnessed the frightful development ofChauvinism all over Europe, the wealsening of revolutionary andlibertariam Socialism, and the trumph of the dread reaction underwhich the European peoples are groaning to this day.

The present war, the most outrageaus crime mankind has ever seen, is but the last word of this reaction, the last word of Imperialcapitalism and the military state.

And not only in Germany, but wherever this system exists, thesame results will follow. The best constitutions and most glorioustraditious of liberty will not prevent their evil consequences.

"You cannot combat militarism by means of Parliament. " Thissentence was already pronounced as far back as forty years ago by olddemocrat Johan Jokobi. A new revolutionary renaissance of theEuropean peaples is the only means against this dreadly enemy osmankind.

And it is not unlikely that the present bloody catastraph e willat last awaken the peoyle from their indifference. The bitter painfearful suffering will perhaps make a deeper impression than the wordsof the revolutionaries. It is possible that the social Revolutionwill be the last act in the present traged; possible that murderousmilitarism will be drowned in the blood of its numberless victems;that the people of the different countries will unite against thebloody regime of modern copitalism and its institutions, and finallyproduce a new social culture upon the basis of free Socialism.

At the same time the progressive elements must not lose couragehowever great the disaster that has befallenus. We must be an ourguard, and if necessary, risk our lives for the trumph of a newsocial order.

 本譯文與其原文有分別的版權許可。譯文版權狀況僅適用於本版本。

原文

這部作品在1929年1月1日以前以匿名或別名發表,確實作者身份不明(包括僅以法人名義發表),在美國以及版權期限是匿名別名作品發表起108年以下的國家以及地區(包括新加坡、加拿大、韓國、新西蘭、兩岸四地、馬來西亞)屬於公有領域

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譯文

這部作品在1929年1月1日以前出版,其作者1972年逝世,在美國以及版權期限是作者終身加50年以下的國家以及地區(包括兩岸四地、馬來西亞),屬於公有領域


這部作品也可能在本國本地版權期限更長,但對外國外地作品應用較短期限規則的國家以及地區(包括新加坡、加拿大、韓國、新西蘭),屬於公有領域

Public domainPublic domainfalsefalse